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Practical
Moral Philosophy for Lawyers
Personal and Public
At the end of the first chapter of Wishman's Confessions he
tells the reader: "I sensed that my distress was not just a personal
matter but revealed some of the painful moral and emotional dilemmas
of my profession." [Seymour Wishman, Confessions
of a Criminal Lawyer, at 18; see also 103] What moral and
emotional dilemmas to you find revealed by Wishman's account of his
encounter with Mrs. Lewis and the innocent defendant in the Mace-spraying
case?
C. Wright Mills, a founder of humanistic sociology, has written about
this linkage of private and public and his comments may help us understand
Wishman's contention that his personal distress reveals something about
the legal profession.
Nowadays men [and women] often feel that their private lives are
a series of traps. They sense that within their everyday worlds, they
cannot overcome their troubles, and in this feeling, they are often
quite correct: What ordinary men [and women] are directly aware of
and what they try to do are bounded by the private orbits in which
they live; their visions and their powers are limited to the close-up
scenes of job, family, neighborhood; in other milieux, they move vicariously
and remain spectators. And the more aware they become, however vaguely,
of ambitions and of threats which transcend their immediate locales,
the more trapped they seem to feel.
Underlying this sense of being trapped are seemingly impersonal changes
in the very structure of continent-wide societies. The facts of contemporary
history are also facts about the success and the failure of individual
men and women. When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes
a worker; a feudal lord is liquidated or becomes a businessman. When
classes rise or fall, a man is employed or unemployed; when the rate
of investment goes up or down, a man takes new heart or goes broke.
When wars happen, an insurance salesman becomes a rocket launcher;
a store clerk, a radar man; a wife lives alone; a child grows up without
a father. Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society
can be understood without understanding both.
Yet men [and women] do not usually define the troubles they endure
in terms of historical change and institutional contradiction. The
well-being they enjoy, they do not usually impute to the big ups and
downs of the societies in which they live. Seldom aware of the intricate
connection between the patterns of their own lives and the course
of world history, ordinary men do not usually know what this connection
means for the kinds of men [and women] they are becoming and for the
kinds of history-making in which they might take part. They do not
possess the quality of mind essential to grasp the interplay of man
and society, of biography and history, of self and world. They cannot
cope with their personal troubles in such ways as to control the structural
transformations that usually lie behind them.
The very shaping of history now outpaces the ability of men [and
women] to orient themselves in accordance with cherished values. And
which values? Even when they do not panic, men [and women] often sense
that older ways of feeling and thinking have collapsed and that newer
beginnings are ambiguous to the point of moral stasis. Is it any wonder
that ordinary men [and women] often feel they cannot cope with the
larger worlds with which they are so suddenly confronted? That they
cannot understand the meaning of their epoch for their own lives?
That--in defense of selfhood--they become morally insensible, trying
to remain altogether private men [and women]? Is it any wonder that
they come to be possessed by a sense of the trap?
[C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination 3-5 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1959)]
Mills argues that to make the connection between our private lives
and the social and political worlds in which we live, we need a "quality
of mind" to help us see "what is going on in the world"
and "what may be happening." Mills calls this quality, sociological
imagination.
The sociological imagination enables its possessor to understand
the larger historical scene in terms of its meaning for the inner
life and the external career of a variety of individuals. It enables
him [or her] to take into account how individuals, in the welter of
their daily experience, often become falsely conscious of their social
positions. Within the welter, the framework of modern society is sought,
and within that framework the psychologies of a variety of men and
women are formulated. By such means the personal uneasiness of individuals
is focused upon explicit troubles and the indifference of publics
is transformed into involvement with public issues. [5]
Mills contends that we can fully understand our private experience
only in the context of history and how a society works within a historical
period. "We have come to know that every individual lives, from
one generation to the next, in some society; that he lives out a biography,
and that he lives it out within some historical sequence." [6]
Mills, no determinist, concludes that by living the way we do we contribute
to the shaping of society and history even as we are made by society
and its "historical push and shove." [6]
Mills would have us investigate the moral dilemmas we personally confront
as lawyers within the context of our history as lawyers. The moral character
of the profession has indeed changed over time and it may be a fundamental
mistake to enter a profession without knowing its history and how it
has shaped and configured the moral dimension of our profession.
[For a history of the legal profession that focuses on the moral transformation
of the profession, see Thomas Shaffer, American Legal Ethics
59-164 (New York: Matthew Bender, 1985]
Alvin Gouldner, another sociologist, provides this commentary on "sociological
imagination":
The sociologists' task today is not only to see people as they see
themselves, nor to see themselves as others see them; it is also to
see themselves as they see other people. What is needed is a new and
heightened self-awareness among sociologists, which would lead them
to ask the same kinds of questions about themselves as they do about
taxicab drivers or doctors, and to answer them in the same ways. Above
all, this means that we must acquire the ingrained habit of viewing
our own beliefs as we would those held by others. [Alvin
Gouldner, The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology 25 (1970)]
Web Resources: C.W.
Mill's Home Page
A Lawyer
Turns Reflective
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